Mumbai: Will the Thackerays come together, or the possibility of a reunion is just “emotional talk”? Maharashtra’s political circles are abuzz with this question, as the estranged cousins have indicated their willingness to reunite two decades after Raj Thackeray walked out of the Shiv Sena in 2005.
Raj went on to form his Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) in March 2006, while Uddhav took over the mantle of the Sena leadership after patriarch Balasahab Thackeray died in 2012. The MNS chief began promisingly as his outfit opened with 13 assembly seats in 2009, but then the party’s graph rapidly fell—his party failed to open its account last year.
Uddhav Thackeray, too, went through a bumpy ride. The Shiv Sena was split vertically by Eknath Shinde, the current Maharashtra deputy chief minister, in 2022. That split led to the fall of the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) headed by Uddhav in June that year.
Given these circumstances, the talk of reunion is significant because this is the first time that Uddhav has reacted positively towards Raj’s overtures. In a podcast with actor-director Mahesh Manjrekar released Saturday, the MNS chief said that, for the larger good of Maharashtra, he is willing to forget “insignificant fights” with Uddhav. To this, Uddhav responded saying that he was willing to let go of their small differences if Raj was willing not to hobnob with Mahayuti leaders whom he considers “anti-Maharashtra”.
Although Shiv Sena (UBT) leaders like Sanjay Raut have said both brothers need to take the call, second-rung MNS leaders such as Sandip Deshpande have questioned why the Sena (UBT) did not respond positively earlier when Raj approached it on multiple occasions.
ThePrint looks at five reasons which could prompt the two Thackerays to keep their differences aside to reclaim the legacy of Bal Thackeray.
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Existential crisis
Both the Thackerays are keeping their options open. In the case of Uddhav, the Shiv Sena (UBT) chief mellowed down his attack on Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis immediately post Maharashtra elections, giving a perception that he was keeping his options open.
The Sena (UBT) won 20 assembly seats, half of which were in Mumbai. The results showed that the party had limited presence in the rest of Maharashtra.
On the other hand, Raj has been frequently meeting Shinde and Fadnavis, keeping both of them at equal distance. The MNS chief’s decision to contest solo backfired, as the party’s vote share tumbled down from 6 percent to 1 percent.
Both parties and cousins—who call themselves custodians of Marathi manoos—face existential questions.
In its latest edition, Shiv Sena (UBT) mouthpiece Saamana reiterated its stand of the idea of reconciliation with Raj and blamed the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) for Raj’s political misfortunes. BJP, it said, manipulated Raj into following “fake Hindutva” and he fell into that trap. “Shinde Sena and BJP used Raj Thackeray to attack Shiv Sena,” it added.
With BJP leaders and Shinde attacking Uddhav vociferously, a reconciliation could give additional ammunition to the former Maharashtra chief minister to take on rivals who were instrumental in his party’s split.
Isolation of Eknath Shinde
Post the results of the assembly elections, Shinde was hoping to repeat his chief ministerial term, but the BJP pushed for Fadnavis for the top job. A visibly upset Shinde has been left sulking all these months.
Shinde even met Raj to possibly form an alliance with him for the upcoming civic body polls in Maharashtra. Any such alliance can be a boost for Shinde and his Shiv Sena in the polls.
Those chances remain slim given the two Thackerays would benefit more—in the event of a reconciliation—with the consolidation of Marathi votes in their favour.
With Fadnavis already cornering Shinde within the Mahayuti, it would be difficult for Shinde to fight back, leaving him isolated.
Ground fertile for Thackerays
Mahayuti’s announcement that Hindi would be a third language in primary schools in Maharashtra provides a perfect opportunity for the two cousins to come together with Marathi manoos as their central theme.
Since the Shiv Sena was formed in 1966 on the Marathi manoos plank, Raj and Uddhav can join hands by presenting themselves as the faces against ‘Hindi imposition’ in Maharashtra.
Civic body polls
Shiv Sena has been ruling the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) since 1997 but since the rebellion led by Shinde and many ex-corporators leaving Uddhav, it would be tough to retain the prestigious civic body. Raj faces a similar situation in the Nashik Municipal Corporation which has been under his party since 2012. If the cousins come together, and Marathis vote for the alliance, there is a strong chance of Shiv Sena (UBT) retaining the BMC and possibly the MNS getting good traction in other civic bodies.
Frictions within MVA
Post elections, MVA has faltered in putting up a united front. Even during the Maharashtra Assembly sessions, Aghadi MLAs and MLCs seem to have lacked coordination on the floor.
The erstwhile Shiv Sena under Uddhav walked out of its alliance with BJP in 2014 over seat-sharing issues, only to join the government headed by Fadnavis in some months. In 2019, Uddhav joined the rival camps comprising the Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and went on to head the Aghadi government till 2022.
Raj, meanwhile, has switched to multiple combinations over the past 10 years.
In the 2019 general election, he supported the Congress and NCP. Since the move did not bear fruit, the MNS chief extended unconditional support to the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). His party did not contest any seat in the last year’s general election.
The Maharashtra poll results were brutal for Raj, since even his son Amit lost in his political debut at Mahim, coming third in the seat. Amit managed to secure just 31,611 votes.
(Edited by Tony Rai)
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